From the viewpoint of women’s history in France, Louise Tilly’s article appears to arise from a specifically ‘Anglo-American’ debate.footnote1 But it does raise questions which are very relevant and current. The Anglo-American connection is not just apparent in the references, most of which are taken from works written in English, but also in the terms in which the problems are stated. To begin with, the question that lies at the origin of that debate—whether or not women’s history can be said to have ‘arrived’—suggests that there is a consensus to the effect that it has arrived; the different positions on its future objectives and timetable are framed from that starting point. But the situation in France is altogether different. There are only two teaching posts explicitly devoted to women’s history, and not a single endowed chair; and although an increasing number of history teachers (especially women) have been covering the problematic of gender and social relations of the sexes in their courses, we are unfortunately still a long way from being able to say that this is an acknowledged subject included in the curriculum. But it is true that ‘the number of books and articles in this area has greatly increased’footnote2 in France too, along with what might be called supplementary sections or chapters (‘Women and…’) in special issues of journals, and in reference works. Undeniably, this increase expresses developments of a qualitative order, which will doubtless be confirmed and rendered more visible by the recent publication of the Histoire des Femmes edited by Georges Duby and Michelle Perrot. But on the institutional level women’s history is still seen as a secondary field of research devoid of legitimacy.footnote3
Secondly, unlike the situation in the usa, where debates on the potential and limitations of deconstruction seem to inspire impassioned polemics,
Nevertheless, behind the marked differences of outlook and tone, the basic questions running through Louise Tilly’s article and animating her debate with Joan Scott seem to me to be central to the concerns of women’s history in Francefootnote6 and have a very familiar ring. What should be done to move on from descriptive approaches to approaches oriented towards solving problems? What can be done to link these problematics with those of other areas of history? What does women’s history add to history in general? In what ways has it transformed—and, more importantly, in what ways can it transform—the historical field as a whole? What conceptual and methodological tools are most appropriate to such an undertaking?
One of the most interesting aspects of the Tilly–Scott disagreement concerns this last point. Both historians complain that the notion of gender is used too descriptively in women’s history, and agree on the need to make it a genuine category of analysis by means of a conceptualization capable of challenging the dominant concepts of the historical discipline. According to Joan Scott, this conceptualization is not possible in the area of social history, owing to the excessive influence of economic determinism; she emphasizes the need for a ‘more radical epistemology’ which, she believes, is to be found in the framework of ‘post-structuralism (or at least some of the approaches generally associated with Michel Foucault and Jacques Derrida)’ which could ‘supply feminism with a powerful analytic perspective’.footnote7 Tilly takes the opposite view, that
I share Louise Tilly’s scepticism as to the capacity of deconstruction to work out a non-determinist vision of history, let alone a vision of women as subjects of history. My scepticism extends more generally to the hopes placed by a number of feminists in the liberating potential of post-structuralist epistemologies. But I do think such a debate should not be restricted to the borrowings made by women’s studies; it should include systematic discussion of the premisses that lie behind these theories, of the newness of their epistemological pretensions, of the extent to which their promises are fulfilled, of their overall political dynamic. No doubt a discussion of this sort would be very useful to women’s studies; but my aim here is much more modest. I would like to ‘react’ on some aspects of what Louise Tilly calls the ‘more literary and philosophic use of gender’, which I think can usefully be considered in the context of a more general movement marked by the linguistic turn and its impact on women’s history. The following observations mainly concern the ways in which the question of historical determination, subjectivity and agency is worked out in the construction of the category of gender. These questions, which have always been of major methodological and theoretical importance to feminist historians, are reactivated and restated by the Tilly–Scott polemic.