The birth of the women’s liberation movement was the result of a unique and sharply polarized political conjuncture, between the years 1968 and 1975, which had a radicalizing effect throughout the world. Many of the women involved in the social and political struggles of that period became the pioneers of an autonomous women’s movement. India was no exception. Even in the West, of course, regional peculiarities such as the role of Roman Catholicism in Italy and Ireland, the lack of a strong politicized labour movement in the USA, working-class conservatism in Britain, or the backwardness of traditional Left parties in France, have compelled women to take up concrete demands which differ from country to country. In the case of India, the socio-economic and cultural differences with the advanced capitalist world are so profound that it would be strange if the women’s or labour movement simply parroted the slogans of its counterparts elsewhere. Over the last decade and a half, women’s organizations there have concentrated on a number of demands, many of which are probably alien to women in
During the seventies there was a new rise of women’s struggles in India, which marked a break with all previous tradition and provided a tremendous stimulus to the network of women’s groups. Never before had women mobilized around demands related specifically to their gender. In the 19th century the reform movement against female infanticide and Sati (self-immolation of widows), for widow remarriage and the education of women, was initiated and pursued by liberal men. Women thus became the object of a liberal humanitarianism, which reached its apogée during the days of independence struggles. Subsequently, however, women were encouraged to return to their domestic labours, and although the Constitution of independent India guarantees ‘equal status’ to women, the overwhelming majority have not seen any improvement in their conditions of life. A striking illustration of this can be seen in the demography of contemporary India: the mortality rate among women is higher than that of men; and there has been a continuous decline of the gender ratio, from 972 females per thousand males in 1901 to 930 per thousand in 1971.
The development of capitalism in India, as in other parts of the Third World, has had a contradictory impact, incorporating pre-capitalist social and economic relations and introducing new ones that compel women to face up to other challenges. For working-class women, of course, there has always been a strong compulsion to seek work outside the home, although all research indicates that economic development has generally tended to push them out of the labour force. In a country where most of the population is never fully employed, women showed up in the 1981 Census as a mere 14 per cent of those at work. In sectors where women do find stable employment, they receive unequal wages for equal work, particularly in the mines, plantations and agri-business.
The intensification of capitalist production methods in the countryside has crystallized a new layer of rural rich, while many peasants and marginal farmers have lost their landholdings. This has dramatically increased the proportion of women agricultural labourers, who now make up fifty per cent of the female workforce. Only six per cent of women are in the organized sector, where the conditions of work are little better than for the unorganized. For the latter the remuneration is precarious, the work insecure, tedious, tiring and psychologically
The fact that in modern India roughly three-quarters of its female citizens are illiterate speaks volumes. The last three decades have witnessed a rise in the absolute number of highly educated and skilled women, but the total is still pitiful when compared with the millions of illiterate women who operate permanently on the margins of subsistence. For those who do have more than basic training and education, the biggest openings are in teaching and nursing. By 1978, nearly 750,000 women were employed in education, out of a total of three million, although as in most other countries the proportion becomes particularly unfavourable as one moves up into higher education (28,000 out of 133,000). footnote1