The names of Leon Trotsky and Rosa Luxemburg have often been linked, sometimes with good reason and sometimes also without. It has been said, wrongly, that they shared before 1917 a common view of revolutionary prospects in Russia, Luxemburg like Trotsky supporting the idea of permanent revolution. With better foundation it has been noted that there was, in their respective tactical inferences from the events of 1905, a shared and early awareness of the organizational inertia and conservatism then taking shape within European socialism and a like belief in the efficacy of mass struggle as the antidote to this. Partisans of the self-activity of the masses, they put their faith in it in face of the dangers of party bureaucracy. Perhaps the most frequent association of the two revolutionaries has been by reference to the similar criticism they directed at Lenin—in the name precisely of proletarian self-activity—in 1904, following the Bolshevik-Menshevik split. That is the subject of the present article. For, if the fact of this common criticism is widely known, the two works in which it was articulated are differentially so. The full measure
A comparison of his pamphlet with Luxemburg’s Organizational Questions of Russian Social Democracy shows the resemblance between them to be close indeed. I shall not undertake a comprehensive account of it here, but propose only to explore one important area of the common ground. My interest, however, is not in whether Trotsky and Luxemburg were in error or were justified in their criticisms, and these writings of theirs are searched neither for evidence of their short-comings vis-mvis Lenin nor for telling insights concerning the ulterior development of the Bolshevik Party. This is already well enough rehearsed. I want rather to identify in the positions they put forward, along with something of indubitable value, an ambiguity in the concept of party and, hence, a problem about the political representation of the working class; and to suggest that this problem, sometimes thought to be a specific feature of the Leninist idea of a revolutionary vanguard, was part of an older orthodoxy that Lenin shared with his Marxist critics. This is not, it should be said, an argument that revolutionary Marxism as such is irredeemably flawed, compromised and so forth. It is, rather, an indication of matters left unsettled and incomplete in classical doctrine, even where it spoke most vehemently for socialist democracy and on behalf of the self-emancipation of the working class.
We may begin from a passage of Luxemburg’s Organizational Questions, setting out the ‘contradictory’ nature of the struggle for socialism: ‘The world-historical advance of the proletariat to its victory is a process whose particularity lies in the fact that here, for the first time in history, the masses of the people themselves, against all ruling classes, are expressing their will. But this will can only be realized
He poses the issue in terms of the consciousness of the workers and their objective interests: ‘Between these two factors—the objective fact of class interest and class awareness thereof—there lies a path filled with the jolts and blows of life, mistakes and disappointments, waverings and defeats. The problem of tactical wisdom for the Party of the proletariat is wholly enclosed between these two factors and consists in discovering how to shorten and make easier the path which lies between them. . . . The Party, basing itself upon the given level of consciousness of the proletariat, intervenes in every major political event, striving to bend the resultant in favour of the immediate interests of the proletariat and, what is even more important, striving to make its intervention a means of raising the level of the proletariat’s consciousness. . . . The bigger the gap separating the objective and subjective factors . . . the more natural is the appearance in the Party of “methods” which in one form or another represent surrender to the colossal difficulty of the task imposed upon us. Like the political self-denial of the “economists”, the political “substitutionism” of their antipodes is nothing but an attempt by a young Social-Democratic Party to “play
The first and most obvious of them, no longer very interesting perhaps for having been gone over many times, is summed up in a slogan from Our Political Tasks: ‘Long live the self-activity of the proletariat—and away with political substitutionism!’footnote7 About this let it suffice to say that Luxemburg and Trotsky alike accuse Lenin of a sectarian error. In the political space—defined by both of them in an idiom of forward movement—between the proletariat, its consciousness and its struggles, on the one hand, and the final socialist goal, on the other, they accuse him of being too remote from the former out of a certainty of standing for, and knowing how to reach, the latter. Thus where, for Luxemburg, the socialist movement is the first historically to count on ‘the organization and the independent direct action of the masses’ and ‘there is no ready-made, pre-established, detailed set of tactics which a central committee can teach its Social-Democratic membership as if they were army recruits’, Lenin’s views, she suggests, do precisely presuppose an ‘omniscient’ and ‘infallible’ central committee.footnote8 For Trotsky, likewise, ‘the guarantee of the stability of our Party must be sought in its basis, in an active and self-acting proletariat’, and he protests against the ‘utterly fantastic’ and ‘purely rationalist’ conception according to which its development is to take place ‘solely through the logical extraction, by a central committee . . ., of new tactical and organizational conclusions from certain theoretical premises.’footnote9